Ten years after the Brexit referendum, Britain has found itself in a curious in-between state. It has neither moved on nor entirely changed its mind. Instead, it has done something far more British – it has quietly grown embarrassed about the whole affair. Brexit was presented as an expression of national self-confidence. Take back control, reduce bureaucracy, strike better deals. Make Britain more agile, more global and more itself. Instead, the national mood has become something closer to a collective sigh. Not anger, not revolution, not even a passionate campaign – simply a weary recognition that the grand promise did not survive contact with reality.
Current polling clearly shows that many Britons believe Brexit was a mistake. Some surveys even suggest that, if a referendum were held today, the United Kingdom would vote to rejoin the European Union. That does not mean Britain is preparing to do so. Far from it. Public opinion has shifted emotionally, but the political system has barely moved at all. Britain may regret Brexit and may even wish for closer relations with Europe. Rejoining, however, is an entirely different matter.
Europe, yes – but...
The biggest change since 2016 is not that Britain has suddenly become passionately pro-European. It is that Brexit has lost its aura of inevitability. For years, politicians treated the referendum result as though it were sacred scripture. Even as Brexit became more complicated, more expensive and less popular, the official line remained that the country had spoken and the matter was settled. That made a certain amount of sense in the years immediately after the vote, but far less so today. A decade has passed. A new generation of voters has entered the electorate. Businesses have struggled with border delays and bureaucracy, paperwork and lost opportunities. Musicians, students, exporters, small businesses and people with family ties across Europe have all discovered that “sovereignty” can be a strangely abstract consolation when it makes everyday life more complicated. That is why “Bregret” has become so visible. Not everyone who voted to leave has changed their mind. But the original confidence has weakened. The expectation that Brexit would quickly prove successful did not materialise. Regret, however, is not the same as a clear national demand to rejoin. Many people want fewer barriers, easier travel, smoother trade, closer cooperation and perhaps greater opportunities for young people. What they do not necessarily want is another referendum campaign or another decade of constitutional psychodrama. In other words, Britain wants Europe back in its life, but it is not sure it wants full membership back.
President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer in October 2024.
Why rejoining is difficult
The problem for those experiencing “Bregret” is straightforward – at the moment, there is no significant political path back. Yes, under Prime Minister Keir Starmer, Labour has begun a cautious reset of relations with the European Union. The government is seeking closer cooperation in trade, security, food standards, defence, youth mobility and a range of practical measures designed to make life after Brexit less cumbersome. Labour has also drawn very clear red lines. No return to the Single Market. No return to the Customs Union. No return to free movement. No return to the European Union. That may frustrate pro-European voters, but politically it is not difficult to understand. The party wants to repair what can be repaired, avoid symbolic battles and never utter the phrase “rejoin” unless absolutely forced to do so. The Conservatives are hardly in a position to lead a pro-European revival. Brexit remains too closely tied to their recent political identity. Meanwhile, Reform UK makes the debate even more complicated. Part of its appeal rests on the argument that Brexit itself was never the problem – only that it was betrayed, watered down or never properly implemented. That gives both Labour and the Conservatives another reason to avoid open discussion about rejoining. The Liberal Democrats and the Greens are more comfortable speaking positively about Europe, but they cannot bring Britain back into the EU on their own. At most, they can push Labour towards closer alignment and argue that greater cooperation should not be regarded as a betrayal. The current political message, therefore, is not “Brexit works.” It is closer to: “Brexit is not working particularly well, but please do not make us talk about membership again.”
Would the EU welcome Britain back?
There is another point Britain often forgets – rejoining would not be entirely Britain’s decision. The European Union has changed since 2016. It has dealt with Brexit, the pandemic, the war in Ukraine, the energy crisis, migration pressures, populist governments and economic tensions. From Brussels, Britain may appear less like a lost love and more like a difficult former partner who is constantly asking for special treatment. If the United Kingdom were ever to apply for membership again, it is almost certain that the previous arrangement could not simply be restored. The opt-outs, exemptions, semi-detached status and the sense that Britain could sit in the room while pretending not really to be part of it would all be difficult to recreate. Rejoining would most likely require accepting conditions that many British voters have never seriously considered. The Single Market means free movement. Full membership would once again raise questions about budget contributions, EU law, the European Court of Justice and Britain’s long-term place within the European project. Rejoining is not impossible. But it is far more complicated than simply pressing an “undo” button. The old membership is gone, and any future accession would involve negotiations between a different Britain and a different European Union.
The more likely path
A dramatic referendum next year is not the realistic path. The more likely course is slow, practical and rather unglamorous reintegration. That means agreements on food standards to reduce border checks, closer cooperation on defence and security, and easier arrangements for touring musicians and creative professionals. It means youth mobility schemes, student exchanges, mutual recognition of professional qualifications, research cooperation and perhaps deeper customs agreements. That may not be as emotionally satisfying as another campaign filled with blue-and-gold flags, but it is probably the direction Britain is heading. Polling consistently suggests stronger support for closer ties with the European Union than for full re-entry. That tells us something important – many Britons recognise that Brexit has been damaging, but they would rather repair the damage step by step than plunge the country into another existential battle. Politicians often talk about “making Brexit work”. It has always sounded rather like trying to make a toaster work again after dropping it into a bathtub. Yet a softer version of that idea may well define Britain’s course over the coming years. Not making Brexit work in the sense of the old slogan, but simply making it less foolish.
The author is an English tutor in Prague
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