Jan Zahradil, once a prominent figure of ODS and now an adviser to Minister of Foreign Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister Petr Macinka (Motorists), has always spoken directly and without compromise. Whether he represented ODS or now stands on the opposite side. That remains true in the interview he gave us.
How satisfied are you with the outcomes of the joint meeting of the Czech and Slovak governments? Where do you see opportunities for coordinating Czech and Slovak foreign policy?
The key point is that both governments are once again meeting regularly. I never understood the confrontational stance of the previous Czech government under Petr Fiala – fortunately, it was only a temporary gesture. It is not just about our historical closeness. There are also many current and concrete issues on which we undoubtedly agree. For example: migration, the Green Deal, and preserving the right of veto in the Council of the EU. The new Czech government’s position on Ukraine is also more measured, and therefore closer to Slovakia’s stance. So yes – we are returning to a proven model that has worked since the split of the federation in 1992. At the same time, our cooperation helps coordinate our positions within EU institutions and strengthens Central European collaboration.
The Beneš decrees have become an important issue from the Slovak side. Should we support Slovakia in its disputes with Hungary over their application and validity?
For us, this is a definitively closed and settled matter. That is precisely why we must always oppose any attempts to reopen or revive it, regardless of where they come from. This means we must stand shoulder to shoulder with Slovakia. This is not directed against Hungary. But otherwise, trust within the Visegrád Group could be undermined, and new legal or property disputes could arise. I believe the new Hungarian government is aware of this. During election campaigns, even between neighbors, controversial statements may be made, but after elections it is necessary to return to reality.
Is the Czech position toward Germany different today? You yourself were involved for years in shaping this issue through Czech–German dialogue. Are the Beneš decrees still a topic in relations between Prague and Berlin?
Yes, we closed this issue when Czechia joined the EU, and it was not easy. At times it was quite a struggle – Mr Posselt and others tried to push us into a corner, but we held firm. Even the Sudeten German lobby eventually understood that it needed to change its approach. It is still not entirely where it should be – at their gatherings we still hear various remarks and reproaches – but at least these are no longer material claims. After all, we are talking about events eighty years ago. Let us leave them to historians once and for all.
What about the planned gathering of the Sudeten German association in Brno? Is the time right for such a step in Czech–German relations?
I have concerns about that. I do not understand talk of Czech-German “reconciliation.” We have long been reconciled. This highly visible event could easily turn into a controversial provocation. There is a risk that old animosities will resurface – that zombies will rise from their graves. Responsibility clearly lies with the Czech organizers. It is a typical initiative of frustrated intellectuals who want to impose their sense of moral superiority on others without realizing the risks involved. A few careless statements could ignite the situation, and then we would struggle to contain it. I myself am holding back so as not to say something harsher. But not everyone will be so restrained. Just imagine a ceremonial Sudeten German march through the center of Brno – that could revive many unpleasant memories and provoke strong reactions.
How do you view the rising popularity of Alternative for Germany (AfD), which has recently succeeded even in regional elections in western Germany and is leading some opinion polls? Would an AfD chancellor be a problem for Czech–German relations? Could this happen within the next decade?
This is a broader phenomenon across Europe. Nationally oriented parties are gaining support – opposing migration, further strengthening of EU institutions, increasing bureaucratization, centralization, and regulation. More recently, they have also opposed attempts to control the public space, softer forms of censorship, and the official narratives of mainstream media. In essence, this is the European version of what Donald Trump represents in the United States, and AfD is part of that trend. If traditional political parties were able to address these issues, AfD might never have emerged. Instead, they have become stuck deep in a swamp of endless compromises. Just look at Chancellor Merz. The once-dominant CDU, which used to command over forty percent, is now stagnating around twenty-five percent under his leadership. So yes – if the situation does not change, AfD may continue to grow and could eventually become part of government. I am not afraid of that. Many of their positions may even resonate with us. Ms Weidel, the current leader of AfD, is certainly no extremist. I do not believe it is a party seeking confrontation with neighbors or major powers. Even its stance on the war in Ukraine leans more toward a form of appeasement. Still, it is necessary to study their programs and intentions over the long term and prepare accordingly. That is also why strong Central European cooperation is important.
The government of Andrej Babiš marked its first hundred days at the end of March. What do you consider the greatest success of Czech foreign policy in this initial period?
We are doing what we said we would. We have stopped lecturing others, stopped preaching to them, stopped playing the role of “moral beacons.” We are pursuing a pragmatic line – good relations with neighbors, good relations with key global powers, economic diplomacy, and opening new markets. It is striking how much anger this sober, pragmatic policy provokes among members of the former government, now in opposition. That is because their foreign policy was little more than an exercise in applied morality, focused on gestures, posturing, and slogans. Under minister Lipavský, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs became, in effect, a cash machine for various NGOs and their programs, which had little to do with foreign policy. That is now over. Today, we are pursuing a real foreign policy worthy of the name.
Do you expect the tense relationship between Minister of Foreign Affairs Petr Macinka and President Petr Pavel to calm down, or is this an issue that will persist throughout the next four years?
This is not a problem between the president and a single minister – it is a problem in the relationship between the president and the entire government. Under the previous cabinet, the president became accustomed to smooth coexistence; now his views differ significantly from government policy. However, the government holds the stronger position here – one only needs to look at the Constitution. It seems the president has not yet fully understood this. He has maneuvered himself into the role of an informal opposition leader, which is not difficult given the lack of strong personalities within the opposition. Various activists, NGOs, and public figures have gathered around him. If he continues to behave like an opposition politician, the government will treat him accordingly. At times, I even feel that, out of frustration, his lifelong military instinct has resurfaced – that he sees the government as a subordinate unit to which he can issue orders. That, however, is another mistake. Hopefully, sooner or later, he will realize it. No president has ever won a long-term conflict with the government.
The author is a European editor of Deník
China
In recent months, relations between mainland China and Taiwan appear to be calming. Is this a promising trend, and what could form the basis for moving these relations into a more stable phase? “It seems that at least part of Taiwan’s political representation has realized that times are changing – that reliance on unconditional American support is no longer sufficient and that it is necessary to reopen communication channels with mainland China,” says Jan Zahradil. “This is evidenced by the visit of Ms Cheng, leader of Taiwan’s opposition Kuomintang party, to China, where she even met President Xi. She clearly rejected the idea of Taiwanese independence, reaffirmed the so-called 1992 Consensus, and declared that she would not allow Taiwan to become another Ukraine. Unfortunately, the naivety of previous Czech policy toward Taiwan, represented in particular by figures such as Vystrčil and Pekarová, stands out all the more in this context. They focused exclusively on Taiwan’s ruling ‘presidential’ party, the DPP, which, on the contrary, flirted with the idea of independence. Relations with China must be normalized in line with the One China policy, while relations with Taiwan should be maintained on a pragmatic level – without unnecessary political theatrics.”
CV BOX
Jan Zahradil (born March 20, 1963, in Prague) is a former member of the European Parliament, former chairman of the European Conservatives and Reformists party, and former Vice-Chair of the ODS.
He graduated from the University of Chemistry and Technology in Prague, going on to work as a researcher in water management.
In 1990, Zahradil became a member of Občanské Fórum, joining the ODS a year later. In 1992, he was elected a member of the Federal Assembly (and from 1998, a member of the Chamber of Deputies). In 2002, he ran to become chairman of the ODS but was unsuccessful. He did go on to serve as Vice-Chair and First Vice-Chair of the party. In March 2025, he announced that he was leaving ODS after 33 years and began closely cooperating with the Motorists party.
He was an MP until 2004 when he became a member of the European Parliament, a position he held until the 2024 elections. In 2009, he founded the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the European Parliament and became its vice-chair. In March 2011, he became the first Czech to hold the position of ECR chairman.
Zahradil is married and has two children. He is an avid music fan, especially of rock music.
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